Madison protest timeline and videos

August 19, 2011

Pamela Oliver and Matt Kearney

Timeline
This timeline supplements the presentation by Pamela Oliver and Matt Kearney about the Madison protests. It provides a timeline of the interplay of legislative and protest actions. The details of the timeline are more complex than it will be possible to present.

 Related Videos

  • This is a 10 minute montage compiled by Erik Olin Wright that emphasizes the  fun and solidarity of the protest. Link
  • Starting the occupation (5 minutes) shows State Senator Lena Taylor talking to angry protesters, interviews with protesters, and footage of people settling in to sleep in the Capitol. Link
  • Removing people on March 10 (long, several  segments that add up to close to an hour) shows scenes of Chief Tubbs begging people to leave, the dragging-out process. This is both an exemplar of a highly controlled event in which both police and protesters are following the same script about how a nonviolent protest will go, but it also show the very high level of tension on both sides even as everyone knows they are going to stay peaceful and treat each other civilly.  Late in the footage there is a moment when one state trooper says to another: slow down, take it easy, do you need a break?  Later footage of the Democrats being locked out of the assembly chamber and the Republicans appearing under escort from an elevator. Link
  • •Footage of an angry crowd being controlled by protest marshalls. About 12 gripping minutes.  Link

Who Speaks for Whom? Examining Racial Framing in Social Movements through the “Endangered Species” Abortion Controversy

August 18, 2011

Zakiya Luna
Abstract: Examination of the role of gender, race and sexuality in the ”Endangered Species” anti-abortion billboard controversy.  While abortion is a gendered phenomenon, it is also raced and classed, a fact that influences specific contours of support and opposition to the issue. Scholars’ lack of attention to the differing perspectives within marginal groups limits our understanding of how these groups simultaneously participate in and resist constructions of social problems.  Ultimately, this absence is problematic because what may appear to be a marginal community’s internal conflicts can have implications for mainstream social movement efforts.
Please contact the author for the most recent version of the paper.

Marxism and the Politics of Possibility

August 17, 2011

John Krinsky
Abstract: This paper reviews the current state of academic social movement theory and asks what Marxist thought might add to it to make it more coherent, critical, and useful for activists. It focuses on three areas of Marxism, mainly having to do with Marx’s method of inquiry: Totality, Contradiction, Immanence, Coherence, and Praxis.
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Providing Useful Knowledge, Becoming Embedded: Issues and Tensions as a Racial Justice Ally

August 16, 2011

Pam Oliver
Abstract:
 This informal essay tells stories and provides reflections basedon my experiences working with groups around racial disparities in imprisonment. I discuss three topics: (1) what kinds of knowledge are useful and how sociologists can contribute to producing useful knowledge; (2) the general problem of class and expertise and the interplay of race and class hierarchies in creating knowledge within movements with special attention to the role of sociologists; (3) the generic problem of opportunism and conflicts of interest and perspective and how sociologists fit into these problems. In developing these arguments I draw on longstanding discussions of tensions and conflicts between beneficiary constituents and conscience constituents. I also advance the concept of an activist professional, a person whose activism is closely related to or intertwined with their job, and make the point that activist professionals often experience tensions and conflicts of interest between advancing the movement and advancing (or at least not jeopardizing) their careers. I argue that academics in movements are typically conscience constituents and activist professionals and that academics who seek to work with and provide useful knowledge to movements should be aware of these tensions and conflicts.
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A Framing Catch-22: How same-sex marriage ballot measure campaigns struggle between informing the public and supporting the movement

August 16, 2011

Amy L Stone
Abstract: In this brief discussion paper, I examine the way radical reframing of social movement issues in order to achieve short-term goals can lead to long-term divisiveness within the movement. Since 1998, the Religious Right has sponsored 34 same-sex marriage bans as statewide initiatives across country. In the campaigns to fight these marriage bans, activists within the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (lgbt) movement have created political messages that radically reframe the issue as something other than same-sex marriage (e.g., changes to the constitution, interference from oustiders.) This radical reframing is developed through professional polling and strategizing that tries to persuade undecided voters. In this discussion paper, I examine the consequences and strategic responses to this radical reframing.
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Between fun and fury: the shifting atmosphere at street demonstrations

August 16, 2011

Anouk van Leeuwen
Abstract: Street demonstrations are usually friendly. However, sometimes they turn violent. Current theories of crowd behavior explain the course of events by studying intra- and intergroup interactions and the socio-political context in which they are embedded. In this study, we focus on the atmosphere at street demonstrations. We argue that the atmosphere is influenced by the interactional dynamics at a demonstration between organizers, demonstrators and the police and the context wherein these interactions take place. After having conceptualized and operationalized the concept of atmosphere, we test our assumptions by comparing two demonstrations that stayed friendly with two demonstrations that turned grim in two different countries regarding two different issues. We studied these demonstrations from various ‘camera angles’: we analyze the perceptions of the interactions and atmosphere by the organizers, demonstrators, the police and our fieldworkers before, d! uring and after each demonstration. Indeed, demonstrations can be rank ordered in terms of atmosphere assessments. Preliminary evidence suggests that both country and issue differences account for differences in atmosphere.
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Social Movements, Strategic Logics, and the Adoption of Issues, Tactics, and Targets

August 15, 2011

Jeff A. Larson
Abstract: Social movements’ strategies are believed to correspond to the resources available to them and the political opportunities they face.  This study extends and refines these explanations with new data from forty social movement organizations (SMOs) in Seattle, Washington between 1999 and 2005. It conceptualizes strategies as combinations of issues, tactics, and targets, and, using correspondence analysis, presents visual maps of this field of organizations vis-à-vis their chosen strategies throughout the seven-year study period.  The maps reveal how issues, tactics, and targets “go together” in this social movement field, and that three competing “strategic logics” emerge, each representing a different set of organizing principles.  These logics correspond with resources in ways consistent with existing theories (e.g., large, bureaucratic SMOs tend to adopt “insider” strategies) but leave a great deal of variation among similarly resourced SMOs unexplained.  Political opportunity theories are helpful for understanding the correspondence between tactics and targets (e.g., insider tactics go with state targets), but less so issues—organizations working on the same issue frequently choose different tactics and targets.  This is partly explained by disaggregating the levels at which the opportunities occur (e.g., urban issues go with local government targets), but also suggests that political opportunities are mediated by resources and the presence of alternative strategic logics.
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Mobilizing Protest: The Influence of Organizers on Who Participates and Why

August 15, 2011

Marije Boekkooi
Abstract: In this dissertation the focus is on organizers and participants of protest events and the structures that connect them. For protest to occur, someone needs to take the initiative to start organizing and mobilizing for the event. The first step of protest is thus the emergence of an initiator who starts assembling a mobilizing structure. This newly formed structure may take any shape from the most formal coalition, to the most informal collection of social networks. This is important because the shape of the mobilizing structure impacts on who participates in the protest event, and on the motives participants have to do so.
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Participatory Action Research: Challenges for Graduate Students

August 15, 2011

Tracy Perkins
Abstract: This paper explores the author’s personal experience with participatory action research and her eventual decision to pursue a different kind of engaged research. It then draws more general lessons about the challenges of participatory action research for graduate students, and concludes by offering suggestions to graduate student researchers for ways to draw on the values of participatory action research while straying from its protocols.
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A Baggy Suit: The Complicated Role of Law in Studies of Social Movements’ Strategic Choice

August 15, 2011

Anna-Maria Marshall
Abstract: This paper argues in favor of including legal mobilization in models of strategic choice and complicating the role of legal actors and institutions in those models. It will make our accounts of movements and their legal strategies more convincing. Moreover, it offers further insight into the creativity of social movement actors, showing that they not only demonstrate agency in choosing among strategies but in designing the strategies themselves.
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Global Structure of Protest Waves in the Global South in the Long Twentieth Century

August 12, 2011

Chungse Jung
Abstract: In this research, I attempted to examine the world-historical pattern of popular protests in the global South over the twentieth century. From the global perspective, we could find the process and pattern that each single protest located in different countries/regions is linked to each other by the world-scale layer of dominance structure and the global political process.  For overall mapping out world-historical pattern of protest waves, I used the New York Times Index from 1851 to 2007, the Times Index from 1851 to 1985, and an electronic news archive the World News Digest from 1941 to 2010 to generate systemic and long-term records of “popular protest” in worldwide.  The results show to concentrate on charting popular protest waves in several key epochs, particularly in 1930s, 1960s, and the late 1980s in the global South over the twentieth century, and temporal and spatial diffusion of antisystemic movements across a large set of countries.
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Campus SMOs and Student Civic Development

August 9, 2011

Matthew Baggetta
Abstract: Research suggests that participation in social movements as a college student often leads to a lifetime of further political and civic engagement—what James Fendrich referred to as the creation of “ideal citizens.” While the insights gathered from such studies of student movement participants have been substantial, I argue that, in order to better understand how student movement organizations create good democratic citizens, we must expand our view beyond movements alone. Rather, we should look at all organized student activity, allowing us to identify the common mechanisms that connect organizational participation to subsequent citizenship outcomes and to highlight the elements that are unique to student movement organizations. I suggest three mechanisms of particular interest in the literature—the formation of network ties, the development of civic skills, and the expansion of personal civic identity—and describe the contours of a study that will! help fill in some of the gaps in our understanding.
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Nonviolent Strategy Sessions Abstracts

August 8, 2011

Learning from the Gandhian Repertoire’s Transnational Diffusion
Sean Chabot

Research Funding:  Strategies and Resources
John T. Crist

Global Dimensions of Nonviolent Protest
Selina Gallo-Cruz

(Re)Thinking the Role of Militaries in Protest: The Role of the Civil/Military Divide in Peace Movement and Revolutions’ Success
Lisa Leitz

Beyond Strategy: On the Role of International Contexts in Nonviolent Revolutions
Daniel Ritter

Frontiers of Civil Resistance Research
Kurt Schock

“Future Research Needs In the Field of  Strategic Nonviolence” Case histories: Priorities for Research
Stephen Zunes

The Paradox of Reform: The Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland
Gregory M. Maney

Abstracts

Who are the Insiders? Faculty and Students as Activists

August 6, 2011

Mikaila Mariel Lemonik Arthur
Abstract: Campus activism provides an opportunity to reassess the very definition of social movements by considering a situation in which activists may be organizational insiders yet still excluded from access to politics as usual as a way to press their claims. Additionally, campus-based social movements experience complexities due to the configurations of activists from disparate groups, the changing organizational context, and the dynamics of insider activism that lead them to face to different sorts of strategic and tactical decisions. So what works? Why? And what do these sorts of cases have to offer social movement theory?
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What Causes a Movement Campaign? The American Radical Right and UNESCO

August 6, 2011

Randle J. Hart
Abstract:
Social movement campaigns are planned or improvisational events with tactics aimed at achieving a specific objective or at publicizing a particular issue. Campaigns are deeply cultural, and as stylized practices their meanings can become transposable from one organization to another, or from one movement to another. As responses to a perceived social issue, movement campaigns are linked directly to their historical context; and the meaning of an issue and a resulting campaign may be historically contingent. Why some issues motivate campaigns while others are hardly considered is not clear in the social movement literature. We know fairly little about when and how ideas become actionable, or how and why some issues become campaigns while others do not. To better understand the dynamics of movement campaigns, this paper examines two issues which ought to have been of interest to the American Radical Right in the early 1950s: UNESCO’s famous statements on rac! e and the use of UNESCO textbooks in public schools and libraries. The first issue was not initially interesting to rightist organizations, while the second one sparked a series of country-wide campaigns which helped draw the radical right movement out of abatement.
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“Indigenous identity” as a matter of “cultural survival”: Why the Mongolian language matters

August 5, 2011

Sansar Tsakhirmaa
Abstract: The construction of “Mongolian indigeneity” in Southern Mongolia, a.k.a. Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region in China is distinct in that knowledge of the Mongolian language has become the first and foremost criterion to evaluate one’s “Mongolian indigenous status”. Although such status is being confirmed largely ingroup, the emergence of such a framework and the quasi-synonymity between “language” and “indigeneity” among Southern Mongolians would be better understood in a context of Chinese cultural colonization and subjugation that Southern Mongolians are “physically surviving” and also trying to “culturally survive”. Given such a context, this article argues that “Mongolian ethnic image”, language loss, Chinese interpellation and a nation-state by co-ethnics all point to the central relevancy of the Mongolian language to Southern Mongolians’ “indigeneity-building”.
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Nonviolent Resistance in Hybrid Regimes: Youth Movements in Post-Communist States

August 5, 2011

Olena Nikolayenko
Abstract: Over the past decade, a myriad of youth movements emerged in the post-communist region and pressed for political change during the election period. In 2000 the Serbian social movement Otpor (Resistance) played a vital role in bringing down Slobodan Milosevic. Inspired by the example of Otpor, similar youth movements were formed in Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, and Ukraine. On the eve of the 2001 elections Belarusian youth set up the social movement Zubr (Bison) to challenge the power of the incumbent president. In 2003 Georgian civic activists formed the youth movement Kmara (Enough) to press for radical reforms. Ukrainian youth mobilized via the civic campaign Pora (It’s Time) during the 2004 presidential elections. Emulating these examples, Azerbaijani youth set up several youth groups ahead of the 2005 elections. Never before have post-communist youth protested on such a grand scale. Some youth movements, however, were more successful than others in mo! bilizing citizens for political change. This study argues that the analysis of tactical interactions between social movements and incumbent governments provides a partial explanation for divergent movement outcomes. This research seeks to extend social movement literature by examining state-movement interactions in hybrid regimes, falling somewhere between democracy and dictatorship.
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Information and leadership in protest waves

August 5, 2011

Marko Grdesic
Abstract:
Large protest waves rarely consist of one homogenous strand of mobilization. Rather,they contain several types of movements running in parallel to one another. What determines which type of protest prevails? Scholars of social movements have focused on the rise and decline of mobilization while sidestepping the selection processes which operate internal to large protest waves. Why does one type of protest squeeze out others? The data for this paper comes from a wave of mobilization which swept over communist Yugoslaviain the late 1980s, a little before the demise of communism in Eastern Europe. This waveincluded two principal types of protest: labor strikes and nationalist protests. The paper zooms into the period when the switch from the former to the latter occurred, from June to October 1988. In order to explain this switch, the paper conceptualizes a process of “informational filtering” which squeezes out some types of information while amplifying others.It is seen as a more spontaneous and decentralized process than conventional framing and frame management. The theoretical motivation for this mechanism is drawn from the work of social movement scholar Ruud Koopmans and the basic theoretical work of Austrian political economist Friedrich Hayek. As the socioeconomic discourse was squeezed out by thenationalist discourse, labor strikes were squeezed out by nationalist protests. In demonstrating the impact of informational filtering on the protest wave, this paper uses time series techniques such as cointegration, error correction models and Granger causality tests.
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The Role and Legitimacy of Former Liberation Movements in Democratic Societies: A Comparative Study of South Africa and Poland

August 5, 2011

Kate Gunby
Abstract: What is the role and legitimacy of former social movements in democratic societies? How do their pasts as movements influence them as political parties or trade unions? I examine the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa and the Solidarity movement in Poland – two social movement organizations (SMOs) that have entered into formal politics as parties after overthrowing the former non-democratic regimes. This paper is based on interviews with current and former activists, supporters, and members of these movements, party and union employees and officials, political analysts, and academic experts in both countries. It was necessary for both the ANC and Solidarity to enter politics as they were the dominant opposition to the past regimes and both transitions relied on these movements to create order and unity. The ANC party has been significantly shaped by its liberation movement past, and in several ways this history has limited the party’s accountability. Despite its electoral advantage, the ANC has not lived up to public expectations during its time in office. The political parties that came out of Solidarity were short lived and prevented the union from promoting workers rights. Now that Solidarity is operating solely as a union, it has begun to rebuild its legitimacy in Polish society. These results demonstrate the complicated role of emotions in determining social movement outcomes.
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Reconceptualizing the Domination of Lawyers and Legal Organizations in Social Movements

August 5, 2011

Gwendolyn Leachman
Abstract: While socio-legal scholars of the 1970s and 1980s often examined how social movement litigation created tension between lawyers and grassroots activists, the contemporary legal mobilization scholarship emphasizes the synergy and mutual influence between litigation and other political strategies. Because this contemporary scholarship has generally not found the same sort of explicit conflict between lawyers and other activists seen in earlier work, it seems to have less concern for the possibility that legal strategies will come to dominate social movements. This paper suggests an alternative approach to understanding the strategic coordination between litigation and grassroots activism, which focuses on the more subtle influence of legal institutions and legal discourse in how movement actors of all types construct their priorities, agendas, and definitions of success. I suggest directions for future research that investigate how power works within social ! movements, including how power may be present in seemingly coordinated activity between lawyers and other movement actors.
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Uses of Identity in the Anti-Authoritarian Movement in Quebec

August 5, 2011

Rachel Sarrasin
Abstract: What accounts for the development of a movement’s collective identity in periods of low-intensity contention? This paper aims at understanding the transformation of the anti-authoritarian movement in Quebec during the first decade of the 21st century. At the height of a cycle of protest against economic liberalisation, there emerged an anti-authoritarian perspective inspired by contemporary anarchist ideas and practices. Initially advanced by coalitions which formed to respond to the 2001 Summit of the Americas in Quebec City, this anti-authoritarian perspective made a public reappearance a decade later at the 2010 G8 and G20 meetings in Ontario. How has the movement evolved between these major public displays of contention? Facing various challenges, including internal expressions of diversity, the anti- authoritarian movement managed to sustain itself during that period by accommodating its collective identity to the multiple identities of its constituen! ts. Adopting insights from Mary Bernstein’s political identity framework, this paper stresses the importance of endogenous processes to understand this dynamic. It argues that we must consider the identity work that allowed the movement to make various uses of identity; where identity has been given the simultaneous functions of empowerment, strategy and goal by anti-authoritarians.
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Learning from the Gandhian Repertoire’s Transnational Diffusion

August 5, 2011

Sean Chabot
Abstract: Transnational diffusion of the Gandhian repertoire to the U.S. civil rights movement involved more than 35 years of collective learning by African Americans and their allies. At first, African American intellectuals fell in the perceptual traps of hyper-difference and over-likeness, exaggerating the cultural divide between the two countries as well as similarities between Gandhi and Jesus. Meaningful collective learning began with translation and dislocation of the Gandhian repertoire from its original context and was particularly significant when African Americans and their allies engaged in experimentation and relocation of the Gandhian repertoire in their own contexts. After surviving the doldrums of the McCarthy era, full implementation of in the civil rights movement took place between 1955 and 1965. Collective learning both enabled and shaped this case of transnational diffusion between social movements. My historical case study is relevant for contemporary research on strategic nonviolence. Most studies in the field focus on how activists imitate guidelines and theories of nonviolent action developed by foreign social movements and scholars. Such superficial learning might allow for transnational diffusion of generic techniques and abstract models like those developed by Gene Sharp. But only deep learning—involving translation, experimentation, and full implementation over many years—enables activists to develop the necessary practical wisdom for integrating foreign approaches into contentious repertoires that are appropriate for their own contexts and purposes. Do other cases confirm or deny my findings and argument? How should strategic nonviolence researchers respond to my findings and argument?
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(Re)Thinking the Role of Militaries in Protest: The Role of the Civil/Military Divide in Peace Movement and Revolutions’ Success

August 5, 2011

Lisa Leitz
Abstract: During the U.S. led invasion of Iraq a number of veterans and military family members joined the peace movement. While Vietnam War organizations, such as Vietnam Veterans Against the War, provide an important precedent for military individuals’ involvement in peace activism, there are several ways in which the military during the Iraq War was more divided from the civilian population, including the peace movement, than they were during Vietnam. Utilizing six years of ethnographic data on veterans and military families participating in the U.S. peace movement from 2005-2011, I illustrate this civilian/military divide and present the factors that led some individuals to overcome this divide to join the peace movement. I conclude by discussing how the differences between military and civilian individuals likely affected the peace movements’ mobilization and potential for success. Broadening this for discussion about the role of militaries globally in democ! ratic and peace movements, I suggest a number of questions for this CBSM session to consider about the role of the civilian/military divide in peace and democratic movements around the globe. In particular: When civilians are disconnected from their militaries are they less likely to engage in peace activism? If militaries are disconnected from average citizens are they more likely to follow dictatorial or non-democratic leaders during popular revolutions?
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Non-Action in the Face of Injustice: Barriers to Environmental Justice Movement Participation in Central Appalachia

August 5, 2011

Shannon Elizabeth Bell
Abstract: Within the study of social movements, there is a tendency among researchers to select on the dependent variable, beginning with an instance of successful mobilization and retrospectively studying the factors that have led to collective action and recruitment into the movement (McAdam 2002). This tendency creates a skewed picture of social movements, exaggerating both the frequency of collective action events and the success of mobilization efforts. There are, in fact, many more instances of non-action in the face of injustice than there are cases of action. Even in communities where there are successful social movement organizations working against local injustices, there are many more people who choose not to participate in collective action efforts than there are individuals who do choose to participate; however, we know very little about the factors that constrain grassroots participation in such social movement organizations. It is within this void in so! cial movement theory that I situate my study. I explore the question of local non-action through a case study of the coalfields of Central Appalachia, where the increasing frequency of coal-mining-related flooding, sickness, and water contamination has led to the emergence of a working class, women-driven, grassroots environmental justice movement that is demanding protection from and accountability for the destruction and pollution in their communities. The coal industry’s impact on local communities has been far-reaching; however, recruiting new local citizens to join the environmental justice movement has proven to be an ongoing challenge. While there are some very strong local voices at the forefront of this struggle, the number of participants from the affected population is relatively small, despite extensive organizing efforts in the region. This study examines the barriers to mobilization within this context.
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Investigating Lawyers for the Cause: Revisiting Social Movement Theory

August 5, 2011

Lynn Jones
Those studying lawyers in movements still do not adequately integrate the broad social movement literature and theoretical debates surrounding political process and opportunity models and rather narrowly focus on the micro-interactions between lawyers and activists. Cause lawyers may be operating in existing movement structures and opportunities, or they may be part of the ongoing meaning-making processes. Scholars need to carefully determine the conditions under which cause lawyers are shaped by and act on political opportunity structures, and conditions under which they are shaped by (and contributors to) discursive processes of movements. Some scholars assume that cause lawyers necessarily lead or control strategies of movements; this assumption can be evaluated by viewing lawyers in movement processes (to determine whether and how they shape or are shaped by various structures and/or cultural elements). Finally, under what conditions do lawyers operate! structurally vs. culturally?
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Political Mobilization and Online Social Networks

August 5, 2011

Elizabeth A. G. Schwarz
Abstract: The Middle East revolutions in early 2011 brought attention to the involvement of online social networks in social movement activity. Using data from a survey of attendees fielded at the U.S. Social Forum (USSF), a national meeting of social movement participants, this research examines individuals who learned of the social movement event through social network websites (SNSs), such as Facebook or Twitter. Specifically, the study focuses on attendees’ offline protest activities and organizational memberships, while controlling for individual factors and other ways of hearing about the forum. Results show that learning of the USSF through SNSs significantly impacts attendees’ organizational memberships and the number of offline protests attended. Findings suggest activists should consider using SNSs to supplement more traditional social networks and information channels.
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Collaborating and successfully pursuing disparate goals by two or more social movement organizations

August 5, 2011

Soma Chaudhuri
Abstract:
The social movement literature is rife with examples of collaborations among activists of different social movements towards similar goals. Examples of the Women’s Christian Temperance Union lending support to the suffragists, and support of the civil rights movement in the 1960s by the women’s movement, are well described events. More recent examples would be the collaborations between the women workers movements in Nicaragua and Mexico against EPZs, and those between the women’s empowerment groups in India through microcredit loans, with the SMOs that work against domestic abuse, alcoholism and child marriages. Such collaboration between activists are natural as they aim towards similar goal: equal rights for the community and changes in laws that would guarantee such right. Today we see collaborations between social movement organizations that may not seem to share similar goals, and yet because of technological advancements, such as the internet, global meeting platforms such as the World Social Forums, they collaborate as they do not have to depend on physical proximity to connect. We are interested in understanding how this trend of new collaborations of seeming disparate social movement organizations is different from previous collaborations between SMOs. Specifically we are interested in understanding why SMOs with disparate goals come together. Second, how do these SMOs mobilize support for such collaborations that pursue two disparate goals, where the success of one goal does not necessarily lead to success in the second goal? Third, how does technological advancements and world platforms such as World Social Forum enhance such collaborations?
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Reciprocity, Mutuality or Common Purpose? Creating Collaborative Research Relationships with Community Organizing Groups

August 4, 2011

Mark Warren
Abstract: Many scholars who study community organizing attempt to take a more engaged approach and build collaborations with community organizing groups. This paper analyzes the different kinds of collaborative research relationships that can be built – on the basis of reciprocity, mutuality and/or common purpose. It draws from my experience studying six community organizing groups working for education reform and justice across the country as part of a large, collaborative research project involving fifteen doctoral students. I argue that reciprocity is essential but limited, and consider how sharing common purpose provides a basis for mutuality, by which I mean a relationship in which each side learns from and affects the work of the other. I consider some of the difficulties in creating mutuality and argue for the importance of long-term relationship building. In the end, I suggest this collaborative approach creates better and more relevant ethnographic scholars! hip. It also nourishes us as scholars, both because it is deeply purposeful work and because relationships created around shared values and hard work for social justice support and sustain us.
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Graduate Students as Engaged Scholars: Doctoral Research Training in Collective Action for Educational Justice

August 4, 2011

Mark Warren
Abstract: Answering recent calls for reconceptualizing doctoral education, this paper examines an innovative approach to the formation of engaged scholars working in the field of collective action for educational justice. We conducted a self-study of a multi-year collaborative research project (on community organizing for education reform) designed as an alternative model for doctoral training at a research-oriented graduate school of education. Data included minutes of meetings, field reports, researcher identity memos, and interviews. Our findings suggest new ways for faculty and students to create mutuality in relationship, provide apprenticeship training that prepares students for contextually grounded research, and integrate diverse standpoints and theoretical perspectives. While doctoral education often reinforces hierarchical relationships, this project cultivated a community of emerging researchers with a shared identity as scholars deeply engaged with others ! in the collective work of transforming schools, communities and society more broadly.
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